TO WHAT EXTENT WAS WALES A NON-CONFORMIST SOCIETY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

This essay will attempt to examine the breadth of non-conformism in Wales throughout the nineteenth century. England always saw Wales as a country 'lost in time', and as a religious country. Wales itself appeared to prefer this, and did nothing to refute it. The fact was, its religion was changing from the 'Anglican' model towards a change that better suited its way of life. This change was almost prophetic in so far as it occurred at a time in Welsh history, when the 'Industrial Revolution' was developing in south Wales, and there was massive immigration into the area.

The Established church could not, or would not adapt to this change. The church dioceses where huge. Evans (1989) said that "The parish church of Llanbadarn Fawr, in the diocese of St. David's, covered over 52,000 acres, and could not give any parochial support to It's members". Many of its vicars where monoglot English who could not converse with monoglot Welsh people. They also had little or no theological training. Added to this were the 'Episcopal Nepotism', 'Pluralism' and 'Simony', which reduced the sees financially. To add to the parish's problems was the lack of Tithes payable to that parish (Tithes often having transferred to England). Thus there was a crying need for the spiritual needs of the populace to be met through other means.

This perceived need was indeed met by the efforts of the newer factions of Protestantism, 'Baptist'. 'Methodist', 'Unitarian', and 'Calvinism' etc. These newer factions unlike the Established church where able to move into the industrial areas to minister directly to its resident populous. Very often the first chapel consisted of small groups of people who met in pub 'long rooms' or someone's cottage. As they grew, the most literate became the 'minister', and through elections the chapel elders where chosen. Once founded, the member soon found cheap hilly ground, and upon it they built their first 'Bethel' or 'Zion' etc. (often with a facade at the front to advertise its prominence). From this simple beginning the 'Chapelocracy' arose to be the most collective and powerful religious movement Wales ever had. Because the chapel had no government support, church rate, or tithe, it relied 100% on it congregation for support, and as such the congregation itself became the electing body for both the Minister and the chapel Elders. This factor bound the chapel members and its Minister/Elders into a cohesive group that cared for each other's needs.

Should any faction within the chapel become dissatisfied, they simple broke away, and repeating the 'set up formula' of the original, built their own chapel. Thus, such was the need for spiritual support within Wales that Williams (1990) said that "There where over 5,000 chapels built and used in 19^th century Wales" He published several maps showing the huge distribution of chapels throughout Wales, and whilst each faction seemed to proliferate in selected areas in profusion, they all covered Wales to some extent. Thus whatever your spiritual preference, you where never very far from a suitable chapel.

Apart from the religious support to its populace, the chapel became the centre of many Welsh villagers''' lives, caring for their needs 'from the cradle to the grave'. It became almost 'de rigour' to be a member of a chapel, for without this, you where not considered a worthy person, thus most villagers would be a member of one of the many available chapels. The chapels quickly saw the need to be more than just a centre of worship. Jones (1987) says, "For a vast majority of people the distinction between the religious and the secular simply did not arise. The social aspects of religion were inescapably present in their everyday lives. As such, the chapels were vital ingredients in the communities, and non-conformity was a community-religion and community- culture". The 'chapelocracy' realised that it needed to mould its congregation into 'ideal citizens' according to its doctrine. Thus the chapels moved from just prayer to almost a seven-day centre of activity and embraced virtually the whole spare time of the chapelgoer. The chapels provided 'Sunday Schools' which taught children (and sometimes adults) how to read and write, often using bible tracts to do this. Educated travelling ministers often offered day schooling. The larger chapels had choral societies and drama groups, marriage counselling, meeting rooms for political discussion, reading and lending libraries, Sunday saving clubs (Xmas clubs), and best of all where the Sunday school trips and Whitsun treats.

The inside structure of the chapel with its central pulpit and no altar meant that powerful orators (usually travelling ministers) such as Christmas Jones, Jubilee Young, and David Rowlands etc. could literally put the fear of God into the most hardened of its congregation. Herbert et al (1988) said that" One of the successes of dissent was powerful and efficient preaching. Its characteristics were said to be sound doctrine, perspicuous style, richness of thought, an animated delivery, an earnestness, a solemnity, and a directness of appeal" These ministers through their oratory taught fiercely that Sunday was a day of observance, and that no work should be done on that day. G. Williams (1998,pers, comm., 13 May) said "The chapel created solid, reliable, and honest individuals, the sort that employers wanted, and promulgated the Protestant work ethic". Furthermore the chapels "Kept the Welsh language alive (Language of Heaven)!" Many members of a chapel rose to become union officials shift managers, etc. and even entered parliament having learnt the art of speaking and organisation from their chapel.

Whilst the chapels fought for the civil and political rights of the Welsh worker, they did not condone strikes or violent confrontation. They believed in the master-servant relationship of good honest labour, for decent pay. Most chapels where politically aware, and strove to increase the lot of the working man, publication of periodicals such as 'Seren Gomer' (Star) and newspapers such as 'The Welshman', and 'Baner ac Amserau Cymru'. By 1836 chapels where licensed to perform marriages, using the Welsh language thus extending even more the commitment by the chapel to involve itself in its total care of its members.

'Religious Revival', (formerly an American concept that enabled the faint-hearted to re-affirm their faith.) was embraced by the Welsh as a means of asking for Divine intervention for perceived problems. It was also used as a 'religious relief' in times of hardship, tragedy, or disease epidemics etc. Evans (1989) said that "Revivals where popular because they were a positive reaction to the social pressures of the age, and, Ministers were able to capitalise on certain tensions within the community". Furthermore, that "Religious revival was the language of the lower classes, and was an expression of the discontent and disappointment they felt in the new industrial communities". These revivals where huge success, attended by 1,000s of people, and addressed by the greatest orators of the time. They occurred mainly during times of stress: -

DATE	AREA	DURESS FACTORS.
1817	Beddgelert	Slate quarry problems, Post-war depression, Enclosure Act, Poor Harvests.
1825	Carmarthen (Caeo).	Affects of Cholera, Trade depression in Iron & coal industries. Irish immigration.
1828	Swansea & Neath.	Industrial unrest.
1832	All Areas.	Inter-religious protest on trade unionism, seen as secret societies/oath takers.
1841	Bala	Concern over 'DrinK'. Temperance rallies.
1849	Merthyr.	Outbreaks of Cholera, workers confused and frightened, Looked for Divine intervention.

Many other revivals occurred, the last major one in 1914 at Newcastle Emylyn being a young person's Calvinistic Methodists revival.

As the years went by the non-conformist religions rose in prominence, and respectability in the eyes of Parliament. In 1868 the 'Church Rates' where abolished, (A great source of irritation to non-conformists). By 1872 non-conformists could enter Oxford etc, but the welsh where able to 'cock a snoot' at this. Following the 'damming' 'blue-book' education report in 1847, the 'University of Wales' concept was born, and 1872 (without state aid) built the first university at Aberystwyth. ('Pennies of the poor' funded). Further on, by 1880 the 'Burial Act' allowed non-conformists to be buried in holy-ground. From all of the above, it was surely the most fantastic event in Welsh history. The whole nation was seen as embracing non-conformity.

The 1851 'Religious Census' was the first real census of religion undertaken in the 19^th century. (Although it had many faults, and was badly organised, it was still a useful device). It confirmed the belief that 'Wales was more religious than England'. Wales had seating for 75% of the population, compared with London (29%), and Manchester (31. %). It did however produce a surprise on 'Census Sunday' when only 28% in Nth. Wales and 35% in Sth. Wales attended services that day. Many other figures showed that the non-conformists out numbered the Established church by about 10:1.

However the rise in non-conformity could not of course continue forever, and by the 1880s,the crest was reached, and a decline began. Whilst many people blame external reasons solely for the decline, there were some internal reasons. The chapel with its educational forte created semi-educated men who rose in the ranks of their employment (i.e. Mines) as under-managers, foremen, and even colliery managers. These people rapidly became deacons, and with the tradesman and the shopkeeper dominated the social hierarchy, and weakened the community feeling and social cohesion amongst the other chapel members. The huge increase in the cultural role of the chapel also weakened it spiritually and secularism became the driving force in some chapels. In some cases the choirs and brass bands etc moved away from the chapel to set up on their own. From all this, the chapel affairs became somewhat fragmented and disorganised, with some loss of membership. Finally the awareness of the chapel congregation of worldly affairs and consciousness, meant they no longer accepted the 'Hell-Fire and Brimstone' sermons of old. The perceived obsession of the ‘chapelocracy’against drunkenness, mild criminality, Sex out of wedlock etc., in what was becoming a modern society was no longer tolerated by people (Especially youngsters). And they looked towards the towns and cities etc for their entertainment. Religious beliefs where stretched with 'Darwinism' (1859 Origin of Species, and, 1871 Descent of Man). The horrors of World War 1 turned many away from religion; coupled with the decline of the Welsh language the chapels slowly retracted their activities. Chapels began closing, and within 100 years the rate of closing rose to one chapel per week. The final straw must have been the growth of 'Radio' and 'Television' in nearly every home.

In conclusion, I believe that non-conformism was almost pre-programmed to succeed, and it had arrived at the right time. Non-conformist fitted neatly into the slot created firstly, by the huge industrial expansion, and, secondly by the inadequacy of the Established church to meet the spiritual needs of the huge mass immigration of workers into Wales. One must admire the tenacity and determination of the early non-conformist pioneers. These people saw and met the needs of the poor, oppressed, and disillusioned industrial worker. They gave not only spiritual relief, they also gave a 'cradle to the grave' social care with their educational and entertainment facilities, both the adults and the children where made welcome to use all the facilities of the chapel. The' Chapelocracy' provided a stable factors in troubled times, and where always available when times where tough. Their decline was a 'sign of the times' as we moved into the 20^th century, and as all religions decreased, we must not single out just the non-conformists.

This has been a superb study project, that I have thoroughly enjoyed, and I know it will benefit me with further reading of the subject.

REFERENCES.

Evans,G. (1989) History of Wales 1815-1906. (U.O.Wales ).P82, 90, 93, 237, 242.

Herbert et al.(1988) The remaking of Wales in 18^th Century (U.O.Wales Press ).P 52.

Davies, J (1993) A History of Wales. (Penguin Books, London) P.360, 36.

Jones, G.E. (1984) Modern Wales 1485-1979. (Cambridge Press, London) P.254.

Simpkin, J. (1983) Wales in Industrial Britain. (Spartacus Press, Brighton.). P.48.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Davies,J A History of Wales. (Penguin Books, London 1993.)

Evans,G. History of Wales 1815-1906. (U.O.Wales 1989).

Herbert et al. The remaking of Wales in 18^th Century (U.O.Wales Press 1988).

Jenkins,J. History of Modern Wales,1536-1990. (Longman,London. 1992)

Jones,G.E. Modern Wales 1485-1979. (Cambridge Press, London. 1984.)

Simpkin,J. Wales in Industrial Britain. (Spartacus Press, Brighton. 1993).

Williams,D. History of Modern Wales. (Murray, London.1950).