THE PATTERN OF
VALUES FOUND WITHIN THE VICTORIAN TRADES UNION MOVEMENT.
This essay will
look at the pattern of values that arose from within the Victorian trade
unions. If one looks at what trade unionism implies, then one could say that it
consists of, ‘like minded individuals, who band together for mutual benefit and
protection’. In doing so, it must present a set of values and beliefs that are
acceptable, or enforceable upon their employer. When most people think of
Victorian values they tend to quote the work of Samuel Butler (1812-1904), and
his seminal work "Self Help"(1859). His work is often misquoted, or
coloured to suit a perceived modern need.
Asa Briggs
(1998) gives a good example of this when he said, "In April 1983, the then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, attempted to
use the concept of Victorian values as a ‘moral raiser of national pride’ and,
some believe also, a political weapon against militant unions’. The
opposition leader Neil Kinnock fared no better when he said in answer to Mrs
Thatcher, "Victorian Britain was
a place where a few got rich and where most got hell. The Victorian values were
cruelty, misery, drudgery, squalor and ignorance" Later (1985), her
‘Secretary’ Sir Keith Joseph, rather cleverly carried forward Margaret
Thatchers theme when he wrote the ‘Introduction’ to the abridged version of
Samuel Butlers book. (1986 edition). He said "He [Samuel Butler] supported co-operation, producer co-operation, and
medical benefit. He was not sympathetic to trade unions-in his view an
imperfect form of co-operation-nor to strikes" All in all, a clever
use of the concept of homely values for a political cause.
The first third
of the 19th century was a morass of discontentment. The ending of
the ‘Anglo-French ‘ war in 1815 was followed by a nation wide (but scattered)
series of riots and demonstrations. From the 1811 ‘Luddite Riots’ through to
the ‘Peterloo Massacre’ in 1819. Hoppen (1998) however says "While militancy of various kinds was common enough, its character was often
diffuse and its aims unfocussed". The ‘Combination Act’ (1800),
(updated in 1825) to restrict meetings, and therefore union business and
gatherings, (although prosecutions where rare), all acted against the interest
of the common working man. The subservience of the common workman to the
‘master’ had long been enshrined in law from the ‘Labourers Act’ of 1349,
through to the ‘Masters & Servants Act’ of 1823. (Not re-pealed until
1867). This essay looking at the ‘values’ will not discuss the history of trade
unionism in toto, but does acknowledge the formation of the first major union.
This was the G.N.T.C.U., founded by Robert Owen in 1833, which folded in 1834
due to theft and fraud by its officials.
The birth of the ‘Industrial Revolution’ created the ‘Industrial
Artisan/Mechanic’. (i.e. ‘Corts Process Puddlers’ in the iron industries etc.).
These men, (Woman where still thought of as plebeians) embraced the Victorian
values of class distinction. They saw themselves as above the labourer, and
just below their ‘Master’. As the Master protected his position in the hierarchy
of work, the artisan also sought to do the same. Hearn (1978) said, "Between the artisan and the unskilled
labourer a gulf is fixed. While the former resents the spirit in which he
believes the followers of genteel occupations look down upon him, he in his
turn looks down upon the labourer. The artisan creed with regard to the
labourers is, that they are an inferior class, and that they should be made to
know this and kept in their place".
The most notable value of the artisan was the ‘moral work ethic’;
whereby the ‘fair work for a fair wage’ was considered the correct and even
moral way for the artisan to serve his ‘master’. The labouring classes often
took Mondays off as ‘Saint Mondays’, and the working week was also broken by a
range of collective celebrations. Behagg (1980) cited by Rule (1988) quoted a
Birmingham ‘gun-maker’ who wrote "Sunday
appears to indispose people and Monday being a sort of Saint Holiday – among
the working classes of this town. Thursday arrives before all are capable of
moving".
This superior
working class ethic created the biggest ‘value’ of all ‘The Working Class
Sub-Culture’, that, although saw their ‘masters’ as hostile, still sought to
emulate them. Tholsfen (1976) says of the unions, "While denouncing the ‘oppression’
and ‘aggression’ of the employers, they nevertheless took for granted the
willingness, of a society dominated by the middle-class to foster the moral and
intellectual improvement on morality and rationality. This was despite the fact
that employers showed little respect for such traits when displayed by militant
trade unionists. They showed forbearance towards employers who took every
attempt to crush them. Trade unions were asserting the radical impulse to
self-respect, independence and,
to a degree, equality.
Having acquired
a class level, the next aspiration was to embrace the ethos of Evangelicalism
and education. These two values where often achieved together as the value of
‘Moral Earnestness’, and ‘High Seriousness’, so beloved by the middle classes.
In many instances the ritual reiteration of ‘cultural pieties’ functioned as an ideological weapon in the
confrontation between the workers and the masters. Basic Evangelicalism was
demonstrated in a rather ostentatious way by including a religious message on
their marching banners. Gorman (1986) in his book ‘Banners’ shows many examples of scrolls using a religiously
based motto. This rather obvious display of Christian morality tended to endear
them to their masters. This display often led to the masters contributing, to
the next Victorian artisans rise to emulation of their betters, which was often
called ‘Moral Education’. Tholfsen (1976) described the rise of ‘Mechanics
Institutes’ with their extensive libraries, meeting rooms and lectures from eminent
personages. He saw them, as a result of "Middle Class Hegemony" Tholsfen goes on to say, they where
"A mixture of self improvement
through lectures, day/evening classes and availability of improving literature".
The middle-class used the spectre of Evangelicalism to override
the workers wish for self-education for education’s self. Gosden (1995) says
that the Clergy saw education as "Not
to be prized as a means of social advancement, but for its en-nobling influence
on the soul". An interesting value was that many union men found a
need to meet together away from the work place. It was almost a fixation, that
having elevated their skills, they formed social centres for entertainment and
companionship. The ‘Working Mans Club’ often became a centre for the whole
family to socialise with others of the same genre. This socialisation was
probably an extended protective mechanism to keep out potential intruders, and
to maintain the status quo. A reason for this ‘elitism’ is given by Savage
(1994), who says "In general
skilled workers did not sympathise with the plight of the poor or the casually
employed, because to do so would undermine the very moral foundations on which
their position lay. The possession of a ‘trade’ limited the extent to which
cultural bridges between the skilled and the unskilled could be crossed".
One of the newest values acquired from being in a trade union
was the chance of ‘Participatory Democracy’. This gave the individual worker
voting powers, to propose a leader/president, and all the other officials
needed for the smooth running of his union. This basic value of
self-determination of his own group, as to whom could and could not join was
seen as an important value to be guarded against corruption or dilution. Savage
(1994) said "That the ability of
the average working man, to rise to a position of authority within his own peer
group (union), was seen as ‘the value of self aspiration by diligence.’
Another value enshrined within the union was that of ‘social
order’. Rule (1998) called this a ‘Loom Law’ (in cotton trades), whereby the
union kept social order by internal ‘courts’ and fines etc. The union sought to
present to the employer, that its own house was in order, and therefore could
be relied upon to reduce internal strife between its members. Clive Behagg
cited by Rule (1988) goes on to stress the "Obligations, which membership of the group imposed, upon the individual
to act, without restraint, according to conscience. Within these constraints,
and in large part because of them, discussion, access and participation were
vital. A customary work pattern could only operate successfully if everybody
participated and agreed". This rather democratic obligation to
conform en masse, did much to ensure a peaceful single-minded workforce.
The Victorian
ethos of ‘mutuality’ so firmly ensconced within the Friendly Societies’ existed
also within the trade union. Early unions often hid themselves as Friendly
Societies, or they became affiliated to ‘Friendly Societies’ and other
‘Co-operative Societies’. To encourage the conciliatory orientation of the new
model unions, the government passed the ‘Friendly Societies Act’ in 1855,
followed by the ‘Molestation of Workman Act’ in 1859. In fact ‘mutuality’ was
seen as the most basic of values that a working man could attain to. The
‘Manchester Guardian’ of 1856, quoted an unknown clergyman, extolling the
beneficent influence of the union ‘penny-banks’. Saying "God alone knows the incidental good done by
these ‘Penny Savings Banks’ – of men led to save – of men led to think – of men
led to be respectable – of men learning self respect – and so made more ready
to hear the good tidings of the Gospel of Christ". One union
however took a more pragmatic view. The ‘Amalgamated Society of Engineers’ said
in 1855, "The trade unionist
could ‘feel proud of his prudence and foresight’ in taking steps in good times
that would save him from having to apply for [poor-law] ‘relief’ from men,
whose interest it was, to treat him ‘rudely’ and ‘harshly". These
unions became almost a health and social service to its members, with sickness
benefits, unemployment payments, victimisation payments and legal
representation etc.
Another
Victorian value, probably out of Evangelicalism was ‘Temperance and Sobriety’.
Brown (1982) says "Many workers
in the higher skilled trade unions (Engineers etc.) Aspired to temperance and
took to signing the ‘pledge’ as a sign of their sobriety". Many of
these skilled men where senior members of the non-conformist churches/chapels,
and as such where proud to display their ‘pledge certificates’. However without
the advent of cheap tea, ale was seen by many as the only alternative to water,
and therefore more accepted by the working man. Most men who would sign up to
Temperance would not accept ‘Teetotalism’. Drunkenness however was seen as the
work of the ‘devil’ and a sign of a working mans degeneration into ‘Hell’.
Recently,
modern historians have looked at ‘Political Awareness’ within the trade union
movement. From their researches, it became apparent that the educated skilled
workman was indeed politically aware, but cautious in case it affected his
status in society, (and his funds). Hoppen (1998) alluding to the effect of ‘Chartism’
upon union members says "Even
Chartism, however dramatic and significant in the 1830s and 1840s, was never
big enough or wide enough to generate militancy in working-class attitudes with
which it is sometimes credited…it remained a collection of tendencies".
If this was a truism, then again it could be seen as a positive value common
within unionism. The Chartist leader Feargus O’Connor criticised the craft
trade unions when he said "The
pompous trades and proud Mechanics", alluding to their lack of
support for the cause of Chartism.
About the 1850s
trade unions no longer sought to control the means of production. Thompson
(1965) sees of this period "That
after a certain point, workers ceased to struggle for the transformation of
society, and attempted only to secure their place within it". It is
from this point that the implicit values that embraced the ethos of Victorian
values became diluted. Many labourer based unions where formed with no specific
trade skills or apprentiship required to join. Their role was simply to gain
higher wages. The wage differentials in the 1850s showed that the unskilled
earned only 52% of the wages of the skilled. These basic unions where seen
however by many as an anathema. John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) although a radical
MP in 1865 Says "Bad workmen who
form the majority of operatives in industry expect to receive the same wages as
good workman. They employ a moral police, which occasionally becomes a physical
one, to deter skilful workmen from receiving, and employers from giving, a
larger remuneration for a more useful service". Working skills
became blurred with the advent of machines (i.e. Lathes etc.). Many trade
unions became amalgamated into huge multi-vocational unions that lost the
Victorian ideals that had grown up with the first ‘respectable working man’.
If we re-look
at the question asked in this essay, we come up with a surprising concept. It
appears that there are two differing sets of values, which coincide very
closely with the rise and fall of Evangelicalism. If we accept Gilbert (1976),
who said that, "The rise and fall
of the Evangelical ‘High Noon’ occurred between 1800 to approx. 1850",
we find that the values implicit within the ‘artisan’ unions were a direct
reflection of the Christian values held by the manufacturing middle-class in
this period. The basic values held by the artisan/mechanic are best tabulated
as: -
o
Recognition of their ‘class status’
above that of the common labourer, and just below the ‘master’.
o
A moral work ethic that recognised
useful work rather than useless toil.
o
The embracement of Evangelicalism,
usually through non-conformist religion.
o
Betterment through self-education
(usually, a morally based education).
o
Participatory democracy within their own
union.
o
Job protection by limitation in
membership to similar artisans, through apprenticeship.
o
Social order through, discipline of bad
workmanship, time keeping and other anti-social behaviour.
o
Self-help through ‘mutuality’ in thrift,
savings and benefits to the needy.
o
Temperance and sobriety, to further
their claim of respectability.
o
Political awareness without seditious
political activity.
o
Christian aspiration to promotion based
on …
o
Socialisation within their own like
minded groups.
The second half of the 19th century may well have
seen the demise of Evangelicalism as a form of ‘social glue’, but there where
many other factors as well. A doubling of the general populace from 11.9
million in 1801 to over 22 million by 1851 (Official Census) created a huge
surplus working population. From the 1850s the huge industries of mining,
metals and railways etc. led to a major de-skilling of artisans, as more and
more processes formerly done by the artisan where enabled by machinery to be
done by the semi-skilled worker. Whilst the need for unionism grew, (although
Henry Mayhew thought that only 10% of workers were unionised by 1860), the
former Christian values decreased in the fight for a decent wage which often
degenerated into violence. Gosden (1995) gives a detailed history of many strikes
and riots, including the ‘Sheffield Gunpowder Riots’ of 1861-66. Attempts to
combine demands upon the employer led to the formation of the ‘London Trades
Council’. A ‘Royal Commission’ in 1867 led to the bill to recognise the trade
unions in 1871.
From the above it is easy to see that the trade unionist wanted
his share of the prosperity available during this era, and as such had to
become skilled and often educated in his negotiations with the employers. Apart
from the ethos of ‘brotherhood’ the once proud ‘unionist values’ became lost.
If we now look at the work of Samuel Smiles, we realise that he
wrote it with the benefit of hindsight. It embraced the Victorian values that
where already implicit within the artisan unions of the time, and it is not
surprising, that Mrs Thatcher sought to regenerate them in the her times.
REFERENCES.
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Brown,K. (1982). English
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Hearn,F. (1978). Domination,
Legitimation (Greenwood Press. London)
Gilbert,J. (1976) Religion
and Society. (Longmans, London.)
Gorman,J. (1996). Banner
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Gosden,P. (1973). Working-Class-Self-Help.
(Batsford Press. London.)
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